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Struggle in the Fourth International: International Committee Documents 1951-1954, Volume 2 of 4 volumes

Towards a History of the Fourth International, Part 3, vol. 2 · March 1974 · edited by Fred Feldman

From Towards a History of the Fourth International, Part 3, vol. 2: Struggle in the Fourth International: International Committee Documents 1951-1954, Volume 2 of 4 volumes (Education for Socialists, Socialist Workers Party, New York, March 1974). Reproduced with the permission of Pathfinder Press. Scan: Encyclopedia of Trotskyism On-Line.

Introductory note

In 1953, sharp differences over Stalinism and organizational matters divided the Fourth International into two public factions, the International Committee of the Fourth International and the International Secretariat of the Fourth International. This division lasted until the Re-unification Congress of the Fourth International held in 1963.

The articles, documents, correspondence, and circulars published in these Education for Socialists bulletins are presented as an aid in tracing the evolution of this dispute. The material is divided into two parts. The first (Part Three of Towards a History of the Fourth International) is composed of four bulletins and contains materials from the International Committee. The second (Part Four of Towards a History of the Fourth International) consists of four bulletins containing material from the International Secretariat faction.

Both sets of bulletins begin with the discussion prior to the Third World Congress of the Fourth International held in 1951. They are divided into sections dealing with key stages in the development of the dispute. Each section opens with a brief introductory note. To the extent that these notes include historical interpretations or conclusions, the views expressed are my own.

The documents, correspondence, articles, and circulars have been subjected to minimal editing. In general the style, grammar, etc., have been retained as in the originals. Additions to the text for explanatory purposes appear in brackets.

The term "section" appears frequently in these documents. This word was used in two different senses within the world Trotskyist movement. On the one hand, it refers to those groups which are affiliated to the Fourth International. Secondly, it is used in reference to organizations that are barred from membership in the Fourth International by reactionary legislation, such as the SWP, but are in full political solidarity with the world Trotskyist movement and represent the continuity of Trotskyism in their countries.

The faction struggle in the world Trotskyist movement occurred when the McCarthyite witch-hunt was at its height in the United States. Similar manifestations of political repression appeared in other capitalist countries, as the ruling class sought to whip up anticommunist hysteria. In view of these sharp attacks on democratic rights, many radicals found it necessary to use pseudonyms or pen-names in carrying out their political activity. This was true of the Trotskyist movement as well. In line with a policy of printing this material as it originally appeared, these have generally not been changed. Instead, a glossary of these pen-names is included in each volume. Note that some individuals used more than one pen-name on occasion.

The 1953-54 dispute was worldwide in its scope and repercussions. Many parts of the Trotskyist movement that participated in the struggle are not represented in this collection. An instance of this is the lack of documentation from Latin America. Material from the dispute in the Latin American Trotskyist organizations is now being translated and will appear in a future volume.

This selection is based on the documents and correspondence presently available to the National Education Department of the Socialist Workers Party. Because of the speed with which the dispute developed, once the differences had become apparent to both sides, many aspects of the struggle are not fully dealt with in official documents. Therefore, it was necessary to include a considerable amount of correspondence to allow maximum clarity for the reader.

Hopefully, the publication of these bulletins will inspire others who were involved in the dispute to make available the relevant materials in their possession. Special thanks are owed to James P. Cannon, National Chairman Emeritus of the Socialist Workers Party, and Tom Kerry and Karolyn Kerry for making their personal archives available for this project.

Fred Feldman

February 1974

Contents

Section IV: Pablo's Role in the Cochran Fight (Continued)

  1. 14. Letter from George Novack to Gerry HealyGeorge Novack (signing as M.) · August 2, 1953 · pp. 68-70
  2. 15. Report Given to the Majority Caucus of the New York Local (August 3, 1953)George Novack · August 3, 1953 · pp. 70-72
  3. 16. Letter from George Novack to the Majority of the SWP National CommitteeGeorge Novack (signing as William F. Warde) · Sept 10, 1953 · pp. 72-74

Section V: The Deepening Differences on Stalinism

[The materials in this section deal with initial efforts of the American Trotskyists to dissect the views of the grouping that had formed around Pablo in the International. The article by Stein was a first response to the resolution "Rise and Decline of Stalinism," drafted by Ernest Germain, in which some of Pablo's ideas received more open expression than heretofore. This resolution had been submitted by the International Secretariat for a vote at the coming world congress. It can be found in *SWP International Information Bulletin,* September 1953, in an unamended form. George Novack's talk, given to a majority caucus meeting in New York City, was aimed at the latest contributions of George Clarke to the party's theoretical magazine, *Fourth International.* Clarke projected the possibility that the bureaucracy in the Soviet Union would decide to share the power with the working masses. (Clarke's articles appear in Part Four of this collection.) The "Memorandum on 'Rise and Decline of Stalinism'" was written by a subcommittee of the SWP Political Committee in October 1953. Intended as a presentation of the deep differences that had emerged in the Trotskyist movement, it was quickly overtaken by events as Pablo moved rapidly toward a split. The amendments and corrections to this memorandum have been omitted from this volume.]

  1. 1. Some Remarks on "The Rise and Fall of Stalinism"Morris Stein · August 23, 1953 · pp. 74-79
  2. 2. Clarke's Views on StalinismGeorge Novack · August 17, 1953 · pp. 79-83
  3. 3. Memorandum on "The Rise and Decline of Stalinism"Subcommittee of the SWP Political Committee · October 5, 1953 · pp. 84-96

Section VI: Four Supporters of Cochran-Clarke-Bartell "Graduate" from the SWP

[The conviction that the line of Pablo and his supporters was undermining the Trotskyist movement's opposition to Stalinism was strengthened by the appearance of outright pro-Stalinist currents in various sections of the Fourth International and in the SWP. In Ceylon, a sizable Stalinist faction appeared. In this case, the International Secretariat sent Ernest Germain to Ceylon to oppose this grouping which eventually joined the Communist Party. In Seattle, a group of four Cochran-Clarke-Bartell supporters appeared as full-fledged Stalinists late in the discussion. Echoing the minority's charge that the majority was "Shachtmanite," they concluded that Trotskyism was counterrevolutionary and joined the Communist Party. They were not the last of such tendencies to emerge as Pablo's concepts were adopted by groupings within the International.]

  1. 1. Statement of Daniel Roberts to Seattle BranchDaniel Roberts · July 23, 1953 · pp. 96-98
  2. 2. Report from Seattle to the Majority CaucusGeorge Flint · Sept 7, 1953 · pp. 98

Section VII: Pablo Attacks the British Section

[As Gerry Healy moved toward criticizing Pablo's political and organizational innovations, a pro-Pablo faction headed by John Lawrence suddenly made its appearance in the British section. They sought, under the banner of democratic centralism, to place Healy under "discipline" to support the line of the International Secretariat in the internal discussion in the British section. According to Healy, offers were made by top international leaders to call off the factional fight against him in Britain if he would agree to support Pablo against Cannon. Organizational threats aimed at cutting off the discussion before it began contributed to sharply increasing the tension in the world Trotskyist movement.]

  1. 1. Letter from Sam Gordon to Friends in the SWPSam Gordon (signing as Harry) · 23rd August 1953 · pp. 99-101
  2. 2. Letter from Sam Gordon to Friends in the SWPSam Gordon (signing as Harry) · August 30, 1953 · pp. 101
  3. 3. Letter from Gerry Healy to James P. CannonGerry Healy · 31st August 1953 · pp. 101-102
  4. 4. Letter from James P. Cannon to George NovackJames P. Cannon · September 2, 1953 · pp. 102-104
  5. 5. Letter from James P. Cannon to George NovackJames P. Cannon · Sept. 3, 1953 · pp. 104-105
  6. 6. Letter from James P. Cannon to Gerry HealyJames P. Cannon · September 5, 1953 · pp. 106-108
  7. 7. Letter from Gerry Healy to James P. CannonGerry Healy · September 7, 1953 · pp. 108-109
  8. 8. Letter from Sam Gordon to Friends in the SWPSam Gordon (signing as Harry) · September 7, 1953 · pp. 109-110
  9. 9. Report from England for the National Committee Majority (September 1953)September 1953 · pp. 110
  10. 10. Letter from Gerry Healy to Farrell DobbsGerry Healy · October 9, 1953 · pp. 110
  11. 11. Statement by Gerry Healy on the Document "The Rise and Fall of Stalinism"Gerry Healy · October 6, 1953 · pp. 111

Section VIII: Is World War III Inevitable? by Joseph Hansen

[The Pablo grouping based its theories of entryism sui generis and the changing role of Stalinism, on the prediction that a Third World War between imperialism and the workers' states was inevitable in the immediate future. The armistice in Korea inspired doubts in the SWP about Pablo's prediction. The following articles by Joseph Hansen appeared in *The Militant* on August 24, August 31, September 7, September 14, September 21, October 12, and October 26, 1953.]

  1. 1. Are 50,000,000 Doomed in U.S. by H-Bomb?Joseph Hansen · August 24, 1953 · pp. 111-112
  2. 2. H-Bomb and Wall Street's War ScheduleJoseph Hansen · August 31, 1953 · pp. 112-113
  3. 3. Wall Street's Drive to Sell the U.S. on Another WarJoseph Hansen · September 7, 1953 · pp. 113-114
  4. 4. What Audience Is Dulles' Propaganda Aimed At?Joseph Hansen · September 14, 1953 · pp. 114-116
  5. 5. How Revolutions Abroad Can Slow War TimetableJoseph Hansen · September 21, 1953 · pp. 116-117
  6. 6. Will Eisenhower Offer the Kremlin a "Peace" Pact?Joseph Hansen · October 12, 1953 · pp. 117-118
  7. 7. Is an Eisenhower-Malenkov "Peace" Pact in Cards?Joseph Hansen · October 26, 1953 · pp. 118-119

Section IX: Preparing an International Struggle

[A September 23, 1953, letter from Pablo's International Secretariat to Healy barred him from opposing the line of the pro-Pablo majority of the IS until the world congress. In addition, he was ordered to cease all collaboration aimed at organizing a tendency or faction. Healy was informed that the minority of the section was no longer bound by the section's discipline. This letter (which appears in Part 4 of this series) made it clear that Pablo was prepared to recognize a minority as the "real" section should Healy continue to oppose Pablo's proposals for the Fourth World Congress. Pablo's actions speeded up the process of organizing an open anti-Pabloist faction. It caused leaders of the SWP to propose that the orthodox Trotskyists form a public faction, since it appeared that Pablo was ready to expel his main opponents rather than risk losing the vote at a democratic world congress. This suspicion was given further confirmation when the pro-Pablo minority of the SWP boycotted the twenty-fifth anniversary celebration of *The Militant.* This clearly indicated that the target of their factional activities was not the leadership but the party itself. The SWP majority recognized from the British experience that the Pablo faction would not tolerate any disciplinary measures against its disloyal American allies, but would use such measures as a pretext to cut the American Trotskyists off from fraternal collaboration with the world movement. Under these circumstances, the Cochranites were suspended from membership while the leaders of the party prepared to call for the formation of a public international faction.]

  1. 1. Letter from James P. Cannon to Farrell DobbsJames P. Cannon · September 18, 1953 · pp. 120-121
  2. 2. Agreements Arrived at at London Meeting, October 3-4, 1953Signed for France by Renard and Bleibtreu, for England by Jerry (Gerry Healy), for the Swiss by Emile, and individually by Jo · October 3-4, 1953 · pp. 121
  3. 3. Letter from George Breitman to James P. CannonGeorge Breitman · Oct. 7, 1953 · pp. 121-122
  4. 4. Letter from Farrell Dobbs to Gerry HealyFarrell Dobbs · October 25, 1953 · pp. 122-123
  5. 5. Letter from Farrell Dobbs to Gerry HealyFarrell Dobbs · November 3, 1953 · pp. 124
  6. 6. Resolution of the 25th Anniversary Plenum of the SWPSocialist Workers Party (25th Anniversary Plenum of the National Committee) · pp. 125
  7. 7. Letter from Farrell Dobbs to Gerry HealyFarrell Dobbs (signing as Smith) · November 18, 1953 · pp. 125-127

Glossary of pseudonyms

Harry Braverman:
*Harry Frankel*
James P. Cannon:
*Walter, Martin*
George Clarke:
*Campbell, Livingstone, Livingston*
Colvin R. DaSilva:
*Roy*
Farrell Dobbs:
*Smith, Barr*
Ross Dowson:
*Kane*
Leslie Goonewardene:
*Tilak*
Sam Gordon:
*Tom, Harry, Burton, Joe*
Joseph Hansen:
*Herrick*
Gerry Healy:
*Burns, Mason, Jerry*
John Lawrence:
*Collins*
Ernest Mandel:
*Ernest Germain, Albert, Jeb*
Sherry Mangan:
*Patrice, Terrence Phelan, Patrick O'Daniel*
George Novack:
*Manuel, William F. Warde*
Michel Raptis:
*Michel Pablo, Gabe*
David Weiss:
*Stevens*
Milton Zaslow:
*Mike Bartell*

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