[p. 75]
Japanese Revolutionary Communist League and Japanese Committee of the Fourth International, both of which succeeding to the revolutionary tradition of Marxism-Leninism-Trotskyism, have been fighting under the banner of the Fourth International, declare that the two organizations have been fused into a single party.
Hereafter, the two organizations will struggle for a socialist revolution, for building up a revolutionary party under the name of JRCL and upon the base of the program of former JRCL.
The biggest factor that has brought about this unification of the Japanese Trotskyist movement which had split in August 1958, when Ota clique split away from JRCL, is the fact that the whole process of class struggles during these two years, especially the struggles against Japan-US Security Pact and against the rationalization of industries, tested the policies and abilities of every political group. The actual class struggles mercilessly proved the complete bankruptcy of the revisionist policy of Ota, who blindly accepted the Pabloite lines of ISFI. It also proved the correctness of the fundamental policy of JRCL.
The internal polemics in JCFI led to the victory of the revolutionary faction, overwhelming majority of the organization and the expulsion of Ota from JCFI.
The petty-bourgeois, individualistic concept on the party, which was the direct cause of the split, has been overcome by the relentless inner struggles intensified by the objective situations in Japan favorable for the Trotskyist movement, that is, the general leftward tendencies, increasing distrust toward the traditional leaderships, among the rank and file masses.
The individualistic and petty-bourgeois concept on the party, which had possessed the still too young organization, became one of the greatest obstacles for the organization to develop from a small circle toward a proletarian party. The pressure of the general objective situations greatly helped both parties to overcome these internal obstacles. The victory of the correct political and theoretical stand and the recovery of the proletarian party discipline were the direct factors that realized this unification.
But if we had not stood on the common principle to base ourselves upon Trotskyism and the 4th International, we would not have been able to achieve this unification.
[p. 76]
In this sense, the fusion of JRCL and JCFI forms a striking contrast to the hopeless confusion within the centrist Communist League, which, having played a sensational leading role during the recent mass demonstration against the Security Pact, now is going through an agonizing disintegration, into pieces, having lost its raison d'etre after the decline of the petty-bourgeois upheaval.
This contrast comes from the difference between those who firmly maintain their standpoint as the successor to the historical lessons and revolutionary traditions of class struggle, that is to say, the Trotskyism, and those who, in spite of the increasing distrust among the masses towards the traditional leaderships, cannot stand on the genuine revolutionary principle nor come out of their centrist position.
Today, before our very eyes, a broad, favorable perspective is opening up for the world Trotskyist Movement.
The rationalization of industries which has been persistently carried out these several years bring about the higher stage of State monopoly capitalism, the deepening crisis of world capitalist economy rapidly proceeding predicting the first post-war turning point of business cycle, the radicalization of rank and file masses who have recruited their fighting spirits mainly from their economic struggles in the boom—these factors are exposing the inefficiency of the official leaderships more and more clearly, accelerating the corruption of Social Democrat and Stalinist forces and compelling them to reorganizing themselves.
In the Socialist Democratic forces, right wingers such as Gaitskell faction of British LP or Godesberg gentlemen of West German SDP, officially confessed that their only way to survive is to betray the working class more nakedly than ever, and to bring their policies of the notorious Second International nearer to those of the capitalists. The rather sharp polemics between Moscow and Peking, spreading the influence of Togliatti's theory which is nothing but the up-to-the-minute reformism in the van of the state monopoly era, these all show the process of the forced disintegration and reorganization of Stalinism. These are the typical the attempt of signs of traditional leaderships' crises. Their programs have become utterly old fashioned in the rapidly developing objective situations of today. The most remarkable fact for us is that Social Democrats and Stalinists are losing their real influence among the masses, and that a new fresh revolutionary initiatives of rank and file militants are. increasing strength in all the countries of the world. The advance of the left against Gaitskell's right wing faction at the recent British LP's convention, New Left movement, mainly among the intelligentsia in England and France, the growth of Cuban Revolution, disillusions of the masses towards the policies of Big Business shown at the Presidential election in U.S.—these are some examples of the new tendencies mentioned above.
In Japan, the situation is quite the same, or in a certain sense, these new trends are manifesting clearer than any other capitalist country.
Thus, the Fourth International, the only possible international leadership for a socialist revolution, has been given more favorable objective conditions than ever to strengthen its influence on the actual mass struggles and to recruit its forces full of fighting energy.
At the same time, we must say that the fact that despite of their growing distrust towards their leaders, millions of workers, students and intelligentsia are still unable to decide to liberate themselves from their influence, never going beyond forming centrist or "independent left" groups, is the direct result of the weakness on the part of the Fourth International, its political and organizational incapacity to mobilize these leftward tendencies under the banner of Trotskyism.
One of these left-centrist groups in Japan, Communist League was formed in 1958, immediately after Ota's Split from JRCL. At that time, a great majority of student members of CP became violently critical and distrust towards their official leaders, revolted against them. But owing to the weakness of JRCL in practical activities and the individualistic maneuvers of Ota which led to his split, JRCL could not become an axis of this radicalization of student cadres, helping them toward Trotskyism and the Fourth International. Thus a large number of the radical students stopped on their way and have remained as left centrists.
From this lesson, we can say that whether the present favorable situation can lead to the strengthening of the Japanese section of the Fourth International depends on the activities of us Trotskyists. Our unification will be a first step towards the accomplishment of this great task. At the same time, we consider it our important task, our most urgent task, to endeavor for a revolutionary unification of the Fourth International as an actually functioning international headquarters for the world revolution.
JRCL will strengthen itself qualitatively with Marxist- Leninist-Trotskyist principles, quantitatively with fresh class energy, and will advance toward our final goal, the world socialist revolution.
We, the members of JRCL, appeal to all the advanced workers, students and intelligentsia, to every left oppositional groups in SP and CP, to cooperate with us in the genuine revolution work of Leninism and Trotskyism, of the Fourth International.
Long live the unification of JRCL and JCFI!
Long live the triumphant advance of the Fourth International!
Workers of the World, unite under the banner of the Fourth International!