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From the splits to reunification 1952-1963 › After the Third World Congress (1952–1954)

Appeal of the International Executive Committee

April 15, 1954 · After the Third World Congress (1952–1954) · 1,101 words

Building the International

Published English text: Towards a History of the Fourth International, Part 4, vol. 4: Struggle in the Fourth International: International Secretariat Documents, 1951-1954, Volume 4 of 4 volumes (Education for Socialists, Socialist Workers Party, New York, March 1974), pp. 199-200 · International Executive Committee of the Fourth International. Read from the scan and corrected against the page image. Reproduced with the permission of Pathfinder Press.

In addition to criticizing Pablo's position on Stalinism, the Lanka Sama Samaja Party leaders also began to challenge Pablo's attitude toward the International Committee. They demanded the immediate lifting of all suspensions and the postponement of the "Fourth World Congress" to allow for a full discussion. Under the pressure of these forces, the International Secretariat issued an appeal that offered "participation" in the "Fourth World Congress" in exchange for unconditional acceptance of Pablo's concept of "democratic centralism." This maneuver led to conflicts among the firmest supporters of Pablo's political line — notably the group around John Lawrence in Britain, and the Cochran-Clarke-Bartell grouping (now titling itself the Socialist Union of America).

[p. 199]

Comrades:

The IEC addresses this appeal to all those, without exception, who were members of the International at the time of the Third Congress and who by their own volition have placed themselves outside the organizational framework of the International, centralized world Party.

The Fourth World Congress of the International, called by unanimous vote of the 13th Plenum of the IEC — including the votes of Burns, Peng, Jacques and with the approval of the SWP — will soon be held. In the meantime, the "Open Letter" published in The Militant in November 1953, and the setting up of the "Committee of the Fourth International," have produced a state of split within our international movement.

It is not our intention in the appeal we are addressing to you today to express again our opinions on the actions and ideas of those who are responsible for this state of affairs. Without altering in the slightest our estimate of these actions and ideas, *we were and we always are for the unity of the movement, independently of this or that political divergence, in the organizational framework of the International and its regime of democratic centralism as a centralized world party, defined as such by its founding statutes as well as the statutes unanimously adopted by the Second World Congress and sanctioned by its entire existence since then.*

[p. 200]

We stated at the time of the first split actions that all political tendencies which respected the organizational framework of the International could participate and have full expression in the pre-Congress discussion as well as at the Congress itself.

The 14th Plenum of the IEC in December 1953 adopted decisions along these lines. The sanctions taken at that Plenum ahainst those IEC members and leaders of sections who signed the "Open Letter" which called for split, or tried to rally their sections to split, *were measures of suspension up to the World Congress. No one has been expelled from the International by these measures, nor prevented from participating in the pre-Congress discussion or at the Congress itself.* Those who attempt to give these measures — which were completely normal for any organization against individuals who openly call for its split and dismemberment — and other interpretation, do so for the express purpose of rendering the split definitive.

The IEC has always been invested with the confidence of the vast majority of the International, as an organism normally elected and representative of this majority. At the Fourth World Congress this same majority will at least be represented. To claim the contrary is to entirely ignore the reality of our movement, and *to be determined at all costs — even while talking about the International, its unity, etc. — to sanction the split of a minority and, with this minority as a base, to attack the International from the outside in order to provoke new splits.*

We believe this path can never lead to the rebuilding of the unity of our movement, nor can it raise the prestige of the movement before proletarian public opinion. It can only perpetuate the split.

We believe that this is not the profound desire animating you. We believe that in your overwhelming majority you are as anxious as we to reestablish the unity of the International on the basis of the one *fundamental rule of a proletarian organization, the regime of democratic centralism applied on an international scale.*

The World Congress, representative assembly of our international movement, is the sole organism which has the power to resolve, by its majority, the political disputes and the questions of the functioning and leadership of the International.

*Submit any disputes you may have in any field, to this Congress.*

You no longer have confidence in the present leadership of the International, or its organization of this Congress? Offer concrete proposals as to how you envisage your participation in this Congress; state the conditions of the future functioning and leadership of the International which, if adopted or largely satisfied by the Congress, would in your opinion make possible the reestablishment of the unity of the International. Submit these proposals to a commission of the IEC, which would function prior to the beginning of the Congress sessions, and composed of such comrades as, for example, Tilak (Ceylon), Colvin de Silva (Ceylon), Edward (Germany), Livio (Italy), Germain, Posadas (Argentine), Bos (Holland), Dumas (France), Serrano (Bolivia).

The purpose of this commission is to assure your participation — *genuine, not formal* — in the Congress, in order to achieve the reunification of our international movement, with the Congress having sovereign decision, by majority vote, on all the political and organizational questions submitted to it. We state that for our part we see no political reason why the different tendencies that have formed during this crisis cannot coexist in the International if they respect its discipline, and that in this spirit we submit in advance to every decision of the representative assemblies of the International and its leading organisms that will be elected at that time.

Only a much more prolonged experience within the International of whatever tendencies have manifested themselves in the present struggle, could prove that they are incompatible with the program and the principles of the International.

This commission will start functioning prior to the sessions of the Congress. It will await any proposals you may have, from May 15 to the end of May. Your leaderships have been informed of the date of opening of the Congress.

If the aim of your struggle is not to ratify at all costs the split with the vast majority of the Trotskyist movement who did not then and there accept your faction leadership and its political ideas, but who wish to discuss and decide within the organizational framework of the International as a centralized world party — if that is not your aim, you must take steps for your organizations to make contact with this commission and discuss with it constructive proposals for the reunification of our international movement, the holding of the Congress, proportional representation for each tendency, both in the Congress and in the new leadership that it will elect, etc.

SEIZE THIS OCCASION TO PREVENT THE CONTINUANCE AND ENLARGEMENT OF A DISASTROUS SPLIT which can only damage the opportunities for Trotskyism that have never been so favorable. Do not let yourselves be swept away by elements who want to perpetuate the split and break up the International as a world party.

CONTACT THE COMMISSION, PRESENT YOUR CONCRETE PROPOSALS TO IT, PARTICIPATE GENUINELY IN THE WORLD CONGRESS!

The International Executive Committee

April 15, 1954

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