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Amendments to U.S. Document on Western Europe, Proposed by British Section

December 1965 (dated November 1965) · The Eighth World Congress and after (1965–1969) · 3,513 words

Europe and the EU Britain France

Published English text: International Information Bulletin (Socialist Workers Party, New York), July 1966, "Minutes of the Second Congress Since Reunification (Eighth World Congress)", Appendix 1, pp. 28-36 · Revolutionary Socialist League (British section of the Fourth International). Transcribed from the scan of the issue and corrected against the page image.

Minority text. Submitted to the world congress and not adopted; published because it was voted on there. Put to the Eighth World Congress (December 1965) by the RSL delegates George Edwards (Ted Grant) and Tom Peters (Peter Taaffe), and rejected: for 3, against 38, abstentions 2 (minutes, p. 26). "U.S. document" means the United Secretariat's draft, adopted as The Evolution of Capitalism in Western Europe.

[p. 28]

Rewrite following section on the Common Market on the following lines:-

(Quote) page 3:"Under the prevailing conditions of economic expansion - even though it is slowed down - the trend towards the progressive economic integration of the capitalist countries of........, and ending: a "flight forward", that is, the application of the Common Market level of "anti-recession" techniques which have proved their efficiency on a national level ('European programming' 'managed currency' on a European scale, etc.) This "flight forward" would require creation of a sthrenghtened European executive and a European currency. "These would constitute a decisive stage in reaching the point of no return for the Common Market".

Along the following lines:

1.-in the last epoch the productive forces have grown beyond the confines of not only private ownership, but the national state. This elementary proposition of Marxism is the basis of our appreciation of the contradictions of capitalism at the present time.

2.-The bourgeoisie in its own way is compelled to recognize these facts by the very development of the economy itself. The two superstes,Stalinist Russia and Imperialist America--for the future Stalinist China might also be added-- have continental markets comprising huge resources and populations, with a mass market in consonence with modern productive forces. The "small" states of Britain, Germany, France, etc. have too narrow a market for their productive resources on a national scale alone.

3.-An additional reason for the attempt to group the common market countries together was, the desire of Germany and France to organise some sort of grouping, which could hope to compete with the power of the giants America and Russia. From being a major force in world politics Europe had been reduced in power as a consequence of the second world war.

4.-Another spur to economic integration has been the futher development of the International Division of Labour through trade, due to the economic upswing of the last 20 years.

5.-The Common Market was largely a condominium of Germany & France.

6.-The Common Market contains within itself all the antagonisms of the various national bourgeoisies comprising it.

[p. 29]

7.-The attempt of the bourgeoisie to try and get a "rational" organisation of production in Europe is inevitably doomed to fail.It will collapse because of the vested interests of the national bourgeoisies.

8.-The Common Market succeeded even to the extend that it has been successful on the basis of the growth of the economy and the gigantic economic upswing, which gave the basis for compromises between the interests of the national bourgeoisies.

9.-Already cracks have begun to appear in the Common Market (De Gaulle's agricultural policy) new contradictions will appear in the coming period.

10.-The incapacity of the Bourgeoisie to overcome the national contradictions will be demonstrated in the first serious slump.It will cause the collapse of the market and a frantic attempt to put the burden of collapse on each other.

11.-If national Stalinism in the Balkans with incomparably less contradictions than the regimes of private ownership cannot unbalkanise the Balkans, then it is unconceivable for the capitalist powers in Western Europe to succeed in abolishing the national contradictions. The vested interests of the national state, of the monopolies and the trusts, are too great to be overcome by a "rational" division of the spoils, or a so-called Europeanisation of Capital.

12.-The existence of the national state , of separate armies, etc., separate bureaucraties,etc., are an indication of the entirely separate interests of the bourgeoisies of these countries. DeGaulle's "independent" foreing policy and "independent" attitude even to N.A.T.O. are an indication of the conflicting policies, reflecting the conflicting interests of these powers.

BONAPARTISM & DEMOCRACY.

Strike out and rewrite sections quoted below on the lines of the comments which follow.

"A prolonged crisis in classical bourgeois democracy, leading to attempts to install a 'strong state' each time a sudden turn in the political, economic or social situation gives it urgency from the bourgeois point of view and it is made feasible by the weakening of the resistance of the labour movement."

Section Political Evolution in Western Europe to top page 7 ending "foster political apathy among them".

1.-The prolonged economic upswing has had as an inevitable result that in the metropolitan countries of the West, capitalism has been able to show its "liberal" face.

[p. 30]

2.-Under these conditions there has been a "flowering of democracy" for a whole historical period. To speak of "democracy" in the abstract is to fall victim to the worst illusions of parliamentary cretinism.

3.-In the epigram of Trotsky "democracy is the system where everyone can say what they like, on condition that the final decisions rest in the hands of finance capital."

4.-As the writings of the classical Marxists demonstrate : the essence of democracy for the working-class --which is our primary concern --- are the elements of the new society within capitalism (here we deal with the political elements) the workers organisations and rights, trade unions, shop stewards committees, political parties, Co-ops, and the rights which go with these organisations, the right to organize, the right to strike, participate in political life, free press, etc.etc.

5.-The decisive section of the bourgeoisie, monopoly and finance capital, prefers to rule in a "democratic society" were they can exercise the maximum of control on the organs of the State.

6.-In even the freest democratic capitalist societies (Great Britain) the illusion is fostered that Parliament "takes the decisions". In reality monopoly and finance capital dictates the policy of all the Governments, whether conservative, radical, socialist, popular front, etc etc.(Wilson the supposed "Left" bowing to the banks and monopolies in Britain.)

7.-The enormous strength of the working-class potentially, with its organisations intact, reinforced, healed, without the psychology of defeats as in the pre-war period, indicates the necessity for the bourgeoisie to proceed with great care and caution on the question of the State, etc.

8.-Apart from the Fascist States (which by the way with the loss of mass support are transformed into Bonapartist States) only in France has a regime of Bonapartism or personal power been installed, in the metropolitan countries.

9. Marxist analysis would indicate that the reason for this lies as always in the social crisis of the regime.

10.-The Algerian ulcer and the crisis in French society provoked by the unending Algerian war, the interests of the French settlers in Algeria, which were in conflict with the decisive interestsof the French bourgeoisie, the discontentin the army compelled to wage in Indo-China and Algeria losing colonial wars, the fury of the paratroop colonels and other in the French armed forces; the incapacity under the old parliamentarian system to resolve the problem: all these led to the need for the supreme arbiter. DeGaulle could be presented as the savior standing above the classes and 'factions' representing the "nation" , etc.

11.-These(for this period) entirely exceptional reasons led to the victory of "personal power" in France.

[p. 31]

12.-In the history of arbitrary and dictatorial systems under capitalism, even in France, the rule of De Gaulle must be the most "democratic" Bonapartism which has ever existed !

13.-The working-class has suffered a secundary but not decisive defeat in France. The rights and organisations of the working-class remain intact, and have been even strengthened during the last years.

14.-Compare the Bonapartism of Primo de Rivera in Spain, where only the reformist party and trade union leaders were allowed to function legally, where there was a serious curtailment of the rights of the working-class, where the revolutionary syndicalist Unions and the communist organisations were illegal. Primo de Rivera balanced between the monarchy, the bourgeoisie, landlords, peasants and workers. Primo de Rivera also came to power as the result of a colonial war --the war in Morocco. But examine the differences between the regimes (leaving aside other factors) --and one can see immediately it was the social crisis provoked by the capitalist crises in the inter-war period (in this example of Spain) which dictated the character of the Bonapartist system in that country. In France, on the other hand, it is the period (temporary) of an expanding capitalism, which dictates the character of Gaullism.).

15.-For a demonstration of the roots of Bonapartism and personal power in the contemporary world, it is necessary to look, not at Western Europe, but at the colonial world. The impossibility of developing capitalism and solving the contradictions within society,within the framework of the modern world, leads to the appearence of Bonapartism, one-party rule, dictatorial regimes, the rule of the Messiah, in one country after another. Both bourgeois and proletarian forms of Bonapartism in these countries owe their appearance to the unresolved crises, which cannot be solved within the national framework. (see colonial document R.S.L.).

16.-What is democracy ? To see the problem from the viewpoint of the the fractions of the bourgeoisie in an abstract way is entirely wrong. These are the secundary features. The decisive consideration is the existence of democratic rights for the working-class. In this sense, if anything, for a whole historical period there has been an extension and reinforcement of democracy in West Germany(in spite of the illegality of the C.P.), Italy, France, Britain, and Western Europe generally .

17.-Bonapartism is rule by a sword--a military police State. A regime in which the State raises itself above society and becomes "independent" of the classes struggling within it, only in the last analysis representing the ruling class. Balancing between the classes sometimes the arbiter can lean on the oppressed class and strike blows at the ruling class.

18.-Bonapartism represents a regime of crisis, a reflexion of irreconciliable conflicts within society, the impossibility of "compromise" It represents a situation where the bourgeoisie finds it difficult,if not impossible, to make large concessions to the masses.

[p. 32]

19.-The bonapartism of von Schleicher,Bruning, Von Papen in Germany represented this process perfectly. Rule by decree--the declaration by von Schleicher that in ruling the nation "first came himself, then his horse, then the parliament!"

20.-In revolutionary situations where the classes are struggling irreconciliably against each other, the tendency towards Bonapartism again appears, e.g. the element of Bonapartism in Kerensky-ism.

21.-Where a developing class is incapable of fulfilling its historical role and the old reactionary ruling classes are forced partially to fulfill the function of an underdeveloped or betrayed revolution again the State tends to assume an "independent" role -- hence the element of Bonapartism in Bismarck's Germany.

22.-Bonapartism under present conditions in the advanced countries, just as the regimes of democracy, with the economic centralisation and concentration of capital, can only be the rule of the narrowest circles of finance-monopoly capital.

23.-The conditions for Bonapartism or the "strong State" as sketched above are not in existence-- at present !

24.-A new and inevitable social crisis of capitalism will produce tendencies in that direction.

25.-Not every attack on the rights and organisations of the working class is Bonapartism. Certain comrades made this mistake in respect of Mc Carthyism in America, which they described as fascist. No more did the Taft-Hartley anti-labor laws or the Teff Merthyr anti-Labour laws in Britain in the 1900's represent "bonapartism".

26.-The tendency towards reactionary legislation in relation to the Unions is an expression of the enormous strength of the workers organisations and their defensive and offensive capacity to protect their gains and to gain a greater share of the wealth they are producing The bourgeoisie is trying to restrict this. The attempt to restrict the right to strike etc. etc. can under present conditions only provoke explosions and a radicalisation of the working class.

27.-The enormous power of the working-class accumulated in the last period in the metropolitan countries (see R.S.L. document) indicates the futility of such measures under present conditions.

28.-Laws passed by parliament or the State are meaningless unless backed by social forces --that is the meaning of the organisation of the petty-bourgeoisie and lumpen-proletariat (i.e. fascism) at a certain stage by the bourgeoisie. The forces of the State itself are never sufficient under conditions of relative democracy with the workers organisations intact.

29.-Parliament for decades has preserved the illusion of power, while the real decisions are taken in the boardrooms of the monopolies and banks.

[p. 33]

30.-Cabinet Government in Britain, Presidential rule in America, are expressing more and more the fact that only a thiny clique makes the final decisions.

31.-Under all regimes, as Trotsky pointed out in his last writings, the tendency towards centralisation and concentration of capital leads to the greater and greater fusion of the trusts and monopolies with the State.

32.-Parliament is the arena for secondary questions just as the United Nations, in relations between States ; decisive questions are settled by the top layers of the bourgeoisie in the pressures they exert on the Government, and in the actions and pressures of the masses.

33.-In documents of the International and in propaganda for the movement stress must be placed on the positive features, on the one hand of workers democracy, and on the other hand of the negative features of so-called parliamentarianism.

34.-The Western European document contradicts itself in almost every paragraph on this question. It points out that the French bourgeoisie under present conditions, believes it to be impossible to have Gaullism without De Gaull! A frail basis for a regime ! It indicates that only the peculiar conditions in France as sketched above led to the exceptional appearance of bonapartism. "Personal power" -- "the strong State" -- ,will disappear with their founder.

35.-Documents of the Inetrnational must be absolutely clear and firm on the tendencies of development of social forces and regimes.

36.-The next stage forward will be marked by upsurges of the proletariat. Only the proletariat being defeated --serious defeats-- could lead to the appearance of the phenomenon of the Strong State.

THE BRITISH BOURGEOISIE AND STOP- GO.

Page 3, Western European document: "in Great Britain the bourgeoisie were likewise quite divided over the adviseability of the Tory economic policy known as "stop-go"....nevertheless, given the persistence of the fundamental contradictions of the capitalist system."......

Strike out and rewrite on the following lines:

1.-The policy of stop-go was forced on the bourgeoisie by the economic crisis of British capitalism and the fundamental structure of the economy inherited from the past. That the economic policy of the capitalists is not determined by arbitrary decisions or by conscious estimates but by fundamental workings of the economy is demonstrated by the fact that the Labour leaders were compelled when in power (as british Marxists predicted) were compelled to adopt more far-reaching and stringent deflationary measures than even the Tories.

[p. 34]

WILLIE BRANDT AND A "WORKERS GOVERNMENT".

page 14 :"it must also be formulated in such a way as not to appear manifestly absurd (a workers' government headed by W.Brandt is hard to conceive):that is, the trade unions, the mass workers parties..."

Rewrite section on W.Brandt on following lines:

1.-The slogan of a workers Government is intended to mobilise the workers on an independent class basis.

2.-To whom is the slogan of a "workers govt." under W Brandt absurd ? Certainly not to the millions of workers and trade unionists who vote Social Democrat. To the Trotskyists then ? It is absurd to equate the feelings of the masses with those of a tiny advance-guard. In addition, it is very dangerous to have illusions in so-called Left Social democrats like Mollet and Wilson formerly.

3.-Marxists start from the basis of the existing organisations & leaderships. Wilson or Gaitskell or Willie Brandt are fundamentally no different from one another but fulfill fundamentally the same role. If there is a difference it is only that of the environmental circumstances.

4.-A workers govt of Wilson is no more or no less fantastic than that of Brandt.

5.-The Soviets, in Russia had at their head in 1917 for a whole period up to the end of October, Dan, Tseretelli and others of a like character. These were no more, no less counter-revolutionary than Brandt.

6.-This did not prevent Lenin from demanding that they take the power with the support of the Bolsheviks, and with the promise of a "peaceful" struggle for a majority into the Soviets on that basis.

7.-The self-same social-democracy in Germany which has now adopted a Liberal programme, yesterday put forward, albeit demagogically, the demand for the United Socialist States of Europe.

8.-Tomorrow, under the influence of the events, they can adopt even more radical slogans.

9.-To "compare" the leaders of social-democracy from the point of view of"good" Socialists or "bad" Socialists is to make a fatal error.

EUROPEAN ECONOMY.

Rewrite and develop the economic section on Europe on the following

[p. 35]

lines:

1.-Trace out the differences between 1918-39 & 1945-65.

2.-Point out that given the betrayal of Stalinism and Social-Democracy the political premises for an economic boom were prepared.

3.-Thanks to American imperialist aid economic recovery in Western Europe was very rapid after the Second W.W.

4.-Due to a series of circumstances a protracted economic boom has taken place.

5.-This boom in no way invalidates the basic economic analysis of capitalism by Marx, Lenin and Trotsky.

6.-The possibility of such a boom was foreseen by Lenin and Trotsky under certain circumstances.

7.-The causes of the boom and the overcoming temporarily of the basic tendencies, to periodic slumps lies in the following factors.

A.Destruction of consumer and capital goods during the war, the effects of which according to the United Nations economists were only overcome by 1958.

B.The Armaments race and the production of ficticious capital and as a by-product the tendency towards inflation throughout the Western World.

C.The development of new industries, plastics, electronics,etc.

D.The general construction boom in all W. European countries America and Japan.

E.The investment boom in all W. European countries which this has involved.

F. The development of world trade and a further intensification of the international division of labour, especially between the metropolitan countries.

G. The colonial revolutions temporarily creating new markets for capital goods.

H.The inter-action of all these factors resulting in a spiral-development of production.

8. We reject all Keynesian theories that it is state action on the part of the capitalist govts. which has prevented the development of deep recessions or slumps.

9. We reject the theories of Jay, Strachey, Crosland and Shonfield and others on these lines. We reject the statement of the U.S. document

[p. 36]

which says "Even in the latter case(recession), however, it would be only a recess on and not a serious economic crisis like that of 1929 or 1938. The reason for this, amply considered in previous documents of the International, is the possibility which imperialism has to amortise crises by increasing state expenses at the cost of continually lowering the purchasing power of money."

10.-Every boom, especially a protracted upswing of the present type has as its consequence theoretical revisionist conclusions. Bernstein in the early years of this century, even the limited boom of 1924-29, produced "theories" of these type.

11.-The measures fiscal, interest rates etc. "deficit" financing are no more effective than the measures of "pump priming", "new dealism" of Roosevelt, popular frontism, etc of the pre-war period.

12.-State expenditure in a market economy derives its funds either in taxes extracted from the entrepreneurs and therefore affects dept.1 of capitalism, hence the howls of the bourgeoisie of all countries against "state expenditure" or alternatively derives from the consumers affecting dept. 2 of capital i.e. the working class. So-called "deficit-financing" is merely a variant from the above.

13.- The consequences of the boom lies not only in the pressure of capitalism manifesting itself in theory but has enormous consequences on the workers movement.

14.-The further degeneration of Stalinism and Social Democracy in W. Europe and the metropolitan countries are both cause and consequence of the economic upswing.

15.-The complete putrefaction ideologically of Stalinism and Social-Democracy in the metropolitan countries is due to the pressure of capialism on the tops of the CP-LP-TU's The separation of the Labour bureaucracy from the movement was already sketched out by Lenin. Under present conditions, the W. European CP's tend to become partially reformist agents of capital.

16.-The growth of productive forces for a temporary period has as its consequences a tendency to polarisation of class forces on the classic lines sketched in the Communist Manifesto (see RSL,col.doc.)reduction of the peasant, petty-bourgeois shopkeepers, etc.

17.-The white-collar workers standards are approximating those of the skilled workers, automatisation etc. results in trade-unionisation and makes them receptive to the ideas of the Labour movement.

18.-Continuation of the boom will involve further automatisation which will mean mass unemployment at certain stages.

19.-All the factors making for boom eventually in turn prepare for slump at a later stage.

20.- New 1929's are inevitable.

21.- Dialectically the development of the productive forces while strengthening capitalism temporarily enormously increases the power and cohesion of the proletariat.

22.- The wounds of the pre-war and first post-war defeats of the working-class are now healed: further development of the contradictions will involve mass struggles of the working class.

(An analysis of the causes for the economic upswing published by the RSL will be republished for international circulation). November, 1965.

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